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By Lenni Brenner

If you want to know what Benjamin Netanyahu really thinks about coexisting with Palestinians, Vladimir Jabotinsky’s 1923 article, The Iron Wall (We and the Arabs)is a must read. Benzion Netanyahu, the Israeli Prime Minister’s father, was Jabotinsky’s secretary. It is one of six matrix pieces for the 51 documents dealing with Zionist collaboration with the fascist powers.
When the British Empire declared Palestineto be the future Jewish national home, Palestine included today’s Jordan. But in 1921 London separated it from Palestine and gave it to the son of Britain’s puppet Sharif of Mecca. As no Jews lived there, the World Zionist Organization’s leaders accepted the loss. But Jabotinsky insisted that the WZO had to “revise” its policy. Britain giving part of Palestine to an Arab would inspire Palestinians to struggle on until they got it all back.
The Iron Wall opens with a sweet “equality” flute tune:
“There will always be two nations inPalestine - which is good enough for me, provided the Jews become the majority.... I belong to the group that once drew up the Helsingfors Programme.... In drawing up that programme, we had in mind not only the Jews, but all nations everywhere, and its basis is equality of rights.”
But soon enough you hear his military trumpet:
“It is utterly impossible to obtain the voluntary consent of thePalestine Arabs for converting “Palestine" from an Arab country into a country with a Jewish majority.... Zionist colonization must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population. Which means that it can proceed and develop only under the protection of a power that is independent of the native population -- behind an iron wall, which the native population cannot breach. That is our Arab policy; not what we should be, but what it actually is, whether we admit it or not. What need, otherwise, of the Balfour Declaration? Or of the Mandate? Their value to us is that an outside Power has undertaken to create in the country such conditions of administration and security that if the native population should desire to hinder our work, they will find it impossible.”
The Zionistsettlement was then too numerically weak to dominate the Palestinians, so Jabotinsky hoped Italy would replace the softie Brits as Zionism’s iron wall. He didn’t like dictatorship, in 1926 writing of Mussolini’s party title:
“They had to coin a new term - ‘Duce’ - which is atranslation of that most absurd of all English words - ‘leader’ - Buffaloes follow a leader. Civilized men have no leaders.”


Nevertheless the head buffalo’s concentration camps and hanging of revolting Arabs in Italy’s Libyan colony pleased him. By the mid-1930s, in spite of cavils re Fascism, Jabotinsky openly orientated towards Italy. In 1934, Mussolini responded by establishing a squadron of Betar, the Revisionist youth group, at his maritime academy.
Jabotinsky became Fascism's defense attorney.He wrote an April 11, 1935 article, “Jews and Fascism: Some Remarks - and a Warning", for New York’s Jewish Daily Bulletin. Most Jews followed common usage and referred to the fight against Hitler as part of the “anti-Fascist struggle.” Jabotinsky tried to stop that. If Jews saw Hitler as a Fascist, they wouldn’t accept Revisionism’s move towards Mussolini. The brief for the Fascist regime shows how he put objections to buffalo herd politics well after his wish that Italy would replace Britain as Zionism's iron wall:
“Whatever any few think of Fascism’s other points,there is no doubt that the Italian brand of Fascist ideology is at least an ideology of racial equality. Let us not be so humble as to pretend that this does not matter - that racial equality is too insignificant an idea to outbalance the absence of civic freedom. For it is not true. I am a journalist who would choke without freedom of the press, but I affirm it is simply blasphemous to say that in the scale of civic rights, even the freedom of the press comes before the equality of all men. Equality comes first, always first, super first; and Jews should remember it, and hold that a regime maintaining that principle in a world turned cannibal does, partly, but considerably, atone for its other short-comings: it may be criticized, it should not be kicked at. There are enough other terms for cussing use - Nazism, Hitlerism, Polizeistaat, etc. - but the word “fascismo” is Italy’s copyright and should therefore be reserved only for the correct kind of discussion, not for exercises in Billingsgate. Especially as it may yet prove very harmful. That government of the copy right is a very powerful factor, whose sympathy may yet ward off many a blow, for instance in the League of Nations councils.
Incidentally,the Permanent Mandate Commission which supervises Palestinian affairs has an Italian chairman. In short - though I don’t expect street-urchins (irrespective of age) to follow advise of caution - responsible leaders ought to take care.”